Friday, 11 December 2015

People who changed the world

People who changed the world

  1. Jesus Christ 
  2.  Thomas Jefferson (1743 – 1826) 3rd President of US. Principle author of Declaration of Independence
  3.  Mikhail Gorbachev (1931 – ) Leader of Soviet Union. Oversaw transition from Communism in Eastern Europe.
  4.  Lord Buddha (c 563 – 483 BC) Spiritual Teacher and founder of Buddhism.
  5. Winston Churchill (1874 – 1965) Prime Minister of Great Britain during Second World War.
  6.  William Shakespeare (1564- 1616) English poet and playwright.
  7. Muhammad – (570 – 632) Prophet of Islam
  8.  Martin Luther King (1929 – 1968) Non-violent civil rights leader.
  9.  Abraham Lincoln (1809 – 1865) President of US during civil war, helped end slavery.
  10. Nelson Mandela (1918 – 2013) Anti-apartheid leader. First President of democratic South Africa in 1994.
  11. St Paul (5 – AD 67) – Christian missionary
  12. Adolf Hitler (1889 – 1945) – Dictator of Nazi Germany.
  13. George Washington (1732 – 1799) – 1st President of US
  14. Sri Krishna (c. BC) – Spiritual teacher of Hinduism
  15. Emperor Constantine (272 – 337) First Roman Emperor to embrace Christianity
  16. Martin Luther (1483 – – 1546) – Key figure in Protestant Reformation.
  17. Socrates (469 – 399 BC) – Greek philosopher
  18. Mahatma Gandhi (1869 – 1948) – Indian nationalist and politician
  19. Karl Marx (1818 -– 1883) – German philosopher, founder of Marxism
  20. Napoleon Bonaparte (1769 –- 1821) – French military and political leader
  21. Simon Bolivar (1783 – 1830) – Liberator of Latin American countries
  22. Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882 – 1945) US President 1932-1945
  23. Charles Darwin (1809 -– 1882) – Developed theory of evolution
  24. Sir Isaac Newton (1642 – 1727) – English mathematician and scientist.
  25. Confucius (551 – – 479 BC) – Chinese philosopher.
  26. Akbar (1542 – 1605) – Moghul Emperor
  27. Queen Victoria (1819 –- 1901) – Queen of Great Britain during Victorian age.
  28. Konrad Adenauer (1876 – 1967) – German Chancellor post WWII.
  29. Jawaharlal Nehru (1889 – 1964) – First Indian Prime Minister
  30. Ramses II (1279 – 1213 BC) – Powerful Egyptian king.
  31. Benjamin Franklin (1706 – 1790) – US writer and polymath
  32. Alexander the Great (356 -– 323 BC) – King of Macedonia.
  33. Woodrow Wilson (1856 – 1924) – President of US during WWI
  34. Christopher Columbus (1451 – 1506) – Italian explorer landed in America.
  35. Marcus Aurelius (121 –- 180)  – Roman Emperor and philosopher
  36. Galileo Galilei (1564 -1642) – Astronomer and physicist
  37. Plato (424 –- 348 BC) – philosopher.
  38. Joan of Arc  (1412 – 1431) – French saint.
  39. Charlemagne (742 – 814) – King of Franks and Emperor of the Romans.
  40. Aristotle (384 BC – 322 BC) – Greek philosopher.
  41. Saladin (1138 –- 1193) – Leader of Arabs during Crusades.
  42. Babur (1483 – 1531) – Founder of Moghul Empire
  43. Sir Walter Raleigh (1552 – 1618) – English explorer.
  44. Voltaire (1694 – – 1778)  – French philosopher.
  45. Catherine the Great (1729 -– 1796) – Russian Queen.
  46. Mozart (1756 –- 1791) – Austrian Music composer.
  47. Guru Nanak (1469 – 1539) – Founder of Sikhism
  48. Leonardo da Vinci (1452 – 1519) – Italian scientist, artist, polymath.
  49. Louis Pasteur (1822 – 1895) – French chemist and Biologist.
  50. Leo Tolstoy (1828 – 1910) – Russian writer and philosopher
  51. Albert Einstein (1879 – 1955) – German physicist.
  52. Ataturk (1881-1938) – founder of the Turkish Republic.
  53. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973) – Spanish painter and sculptor
  54. Pope John Paul II (1920 – 2005) – Polish Pope from 1978-2005
  55. Margaret Thatcher (1925 – ) – British Prime Minister
  56. Mohammed Ali (1942 – ) American boxer
  57. John F. Kennedy (1917 – 1963) – US President.
  58. Boris Yeltsin (1931 – 2007) – Russian President
  59. Indira Gandhi (1917 – 1984) – Third Prime Minister of India.
  60. William Tyndale (1494 – 1536) – Translated Bible into English
  61. Tim Berners Lee (1955 – ) Credited with founding World Wide Web
  62. Rosa Parks (1913-2005) – Civil Rights activist
  63. Benazir Bhutto (1953 – 2007) – Prime Minister of Pakistan
  64. J.S. Bach (1685 – 1750) – German composer
  65. 14th Dalai Lama (1938 – ) Spiritual and political leader of Tibetans
  66. Malcolm X (1925 – 1965) Black nationalist leader
  67. Lech Walesa (1943 – ) Leader of Polish solidarity movement.
  68. Charles de Gaulle (1890 – 1970) French politician.
  69. Joseph Stalin (1879 – 1953) Leader of the Soviet Union.
  70. Marie Curie (1867 – 1934) – Chemist and Physicist
  71. Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807 – 1882) – Independence leader in Italy and Latin America
  72. Johann Gutenberg (1395 – 1468) – Inventor of printing press.
  73. Oliver Cromwell (1599 – 1658) – British Parliamentarian.
  74. V.Lenin (1870 – 1924) – Leader of Russian Revolution in 1917.
  75. Sigmund Freud (1856 – 1939) – Austrian neurologist / psychoanalyst.
  76. Mother Teresa – (1910-1997) – Nun who served the poor.
  77. Bill Gates (1955 – ) Founder of Microsoft
  78. Ernest Hemingway ( 1899 – 1961) US writer
  79. John Lennon (1940 – 1980) British pop-star and Beatle
  80. Genghis Kahn (1162 – 1227) – Leader and creator of Mongol Empire.
  81. Haile Selassie (1892 – 1975) – Ethiopian leader
  82. John M Keynes (1883 – 1946) Influential economist.
  83. Susan B. Anthony (1820-1906). American political activist.
  84. George Orwell (1903 – 1950) – English author
  85. Thomas Edison (1847 – 1931) – Inventor and businessman.
  86. Kofi Annan (1938 – ) United Nations Secretary General
  87. Dwight Eisenhower (1890 – 1969) – Supreme Allied Commander
  88. Eleanor Roosevelt (1884-1962) – helped to draft UN declaration of human rights
  89. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1891 – 1956) – Indian political activist and social reformer who drafted Indian constitution
  90. Lyndon Johnson (1908 –- 1973)  US President 1963-69
  91. William Wilberforce (1759 – 1833) – Campaigner against slavery
  92. Nikola Tesla (1856 –1943) – Scientist, inventor
  93. Alexander Fleming (1881–1955) – Scientist who discover penicillin
  94. Samuel Johnson (1709 – 1784) – British author and creator of dictionary.
  95. Eva Peron (1919 – 1952) – First Lady of Argentina
  96. Henry Ford (1864-1947) US Industrialist
  97. Princess Diana (1961 –- 1997) – Humanitarian
  98. Oscar Wilde (1854 – 1900) – Irish writer.
  99. Beethoven (1770 1827) – German composer
  100. Aung San Suu Kyi (1945 – ) Burmese opposition leader

Thursday, 10 December 2015

speech delivered by Mzee Jomo Kenyatta on December 12th, 1963











“December the 12th, 1963! This is the happiest, the most wonderful day in my life, the day our beloved Kenya becomes free.

It is a day which can come only once in a lifetime – the day when a lifetime’s effort is suddenly fulfilled.
Foa a moment it is hard to believe that it is true. For this day has been won with such long effort, such sacrifices, such sufferings…

Now at last we are all free, masters in our own land, masters of our destiny…FREE!
What shall be my message to readers of PAN AFRICA?
First: Enjoy yourselves! Be happy! Breathe deeply this sweet, pure air of freedom! This freedom is your’s – your’s for the rest of your lives, to pass on to your children and your children’s children. Freedom!The most glorious blessing of mankind.

Let us share together this great day of joy.
Today our national flag, the flag of free independent Kenya, flies proudly, gaily in every corner of our land.
Today we may stand in reverence to the music of our own national anthem.
These are the symbols of our hard-won rights. Treat them with respect, Honour them.
The second part of my message is this.

Treat this day with joy. Treat it also with reverence. For this is the day for which our martyrs died. Let us stand in silence and remember all those who suffered that our land might be free, but did not live to see its fulfilment. Let us remember their great faith, their abiding knowledge that the victory would be won.
We are like birds which have escaped from a cage. Our wings have cramped. For a while we must struggle to fly and regain our birthright for the free air.

We shall make our mistakes, But these will be only like the temporary flutterings of the escaped bird. Soon our wings will be strong and we shall soar to greater and greater heights.
This freedom has not come easily. Nor must we expect the fruits of freedom to come easily.
This nation – Kenya – will be as great as its people make it. So I ask you to make this day of freedom a day of dedication.

I ask you to dedicate yourselves to the memory of those who have gone before us and to those who must follow us. I ask you to resolve to put aside all selfish desires and to strain every ounce of muscle and brain to building a nation which shall honour our dead, inspire our living and prove a proud heritage for those who are yet to come.
In the name of all these – HARAMBEE!!

Address by President Nelson Mandela at the Commemoration of the Twentieth Anniversary of Steve Biko`s death

12 September 1997, East London
Ntsiki Biko and members of the Biko family;
Distinguished guests;
Ladies and gentlemen,
We are gathered here to pay homage to one of the greatest sons of our nation, Stephen Bantu Biko. His hope in life, and his life of hope, are captured by his resounding words: "In time, we shall be in a position to bestow on South Africa the greatest possible gift - a more human face".
And so we are assembled here to pledge our commitment to that ideal; the hope of a giant bequeathed to our land by a region that has down the centuries spawned men and women of outstanding qualities, leaders who have proved themselves in the most testing conditions. It has nurtured a tradition of uncompromising struggle unbroken from the days of Hintsa; through Enoch Sontonga, Vuyisile Mini, Matthew Goniwe, Ford Calata, Sparrow Mkhonto; to Griffiths and Victoria Mxenge - to name but a few. Many of them were butchered with a cold disregard for life by agents of a doomed regime.
Today`s occasion speaks of our resolve to preserve the memories of our heroes and heroines; to keep alive the flame of patriotism which burnt in the hearts and minds of the like of Steve Biko; to redeem the pledge to give a more human face to a society for centuries trampled upon by the jackboot of inhumanity.
In eulogies to the departed, the works of the living sometimes bear little relation to reality.
Yet what has been said about Steve Biko, what passed through the walls of Robben Island and other prisons along our political grapevine, has stood the test of time. That he was indeed a great man who stood head and shoulders above his peers is borne out not only by the testimony of those who knew him and worked with him, but by the fruits of his endeavours.
History called upon Steve Biko at a time when the political pulse of our people had been rendered faint by banning, imprisonment, exile, murder and banishment. Repression had swept the country clear of all visible organisation of the people. But at each turn of history, apartheid was bound to spawn resistance; it was destined to bring to life the forces that would guarantee its death.
It is the dictate of history to bring to the fore the kind of leaders who seize the moment, who cohere the wishes and aspirations of the oppressed. Such was Steve Biko, a fitting product of his time; a proud representative of the re-awakening of a people.
It was a time when the tide of Africa`s valiant struggle and her liberation, lapping at our own borders, was consolidating black pride across the world and firing the determination of all those who were oppressed to take their destiny into their own hands.
It is also the fate of leadership to be misunderstood; for historians, academics, writers and journalists to reflect great lives according to their own subjective canon. This is all the more evident in a country where the interpreters have a much greater pool of resources to publish views regarding the quest for dignity and nationhood.
It was a time when the tide of Africa`s valiant struggle and her liberation, lapping at our own borders, was consolidating black pride across the world and firing the determination of all those who were oppressed to take their destiny into their own hands.
It is also the fate of leadership to be misunderstood; for historians, academics, writers and journalists to reflect great lives according to their own subjective canon. This is all the more evident in a country where the interpreters have a much greater pool of resources to publish views regarding the quest for dignity and nationhood.
From the start, black consciousness articulated itself as "an attitude of mind, a way of life". In various forms and under various labels, before then and after, this attitude of mind and way of life have coursed through the veins of all the motive forces of struggle; it has fired the determination of leaders and the masses alike.
The driving thrust of black consciousness was to forge pride and unity amongst all the oppressed, to foil the strategy of divide-and-rule, to engender pride amongst the mass of our people and confidence in their ability to throw off their oppression.
And for its part the ANC from the first years of the 1970`s welcomed black consciousness as part of the genuine forces of the revolution. It understood that it was helping give organisational form to the popular upsurge of al the oppressed groups of our society. Above all, the liberation movement asserted that, in struggle - in mass action, underground organisation, armed actions and international mobilisation - the people would most readily develop consciousness of their proud being, of their equality with everyone else, of their capacity to make history.
It is both natural and a matter of proud record, that the overwhelming majority of young fighters who cut their teeth and shaped part of their political being in the Black Consciousness Movement are today leaders in their own right in national and provincial government, in the public service, in the judiciary and in the security and intelligence structures of the democratic government. They are to be found in the professions, in business, in the trade union movement and other structures of civil society - strategically placed to make their mark on the new order being born.
The attitude of mind and way of life that Biko and his comrades called for are needed today in abundance. They are relevant as we define our being as an African nation on the African continent. They are pertinent in our drive to ward off the temptation to become clones of other people.
A new attitude of mind and way of life are required in our efforts to change the human condition. But they can only thrive if we succeed in that common effort to build a better life. They are required as we strive to bring all power into the hands of the people; as we seek to shape a new media that appreciates the conditions and aspirations of the majority; as we change the structure of ownership of wealth; as we build a new ethos in our ideals, and yet at the same time, the specificity of our own concrete conditions.
While Steve Biko espoused, inspired, and promoted black pride, he never made blackness a fetish. At the end of the day, as he himself pointed out, accepting one`s blackness is a critical starting point: an important foundation for engaging in struggle. Today, it must be a foundation for reconstruction and development, for a common human effort to end war, poverty, ignorance and disease.
One of the greatest legacies of the struggle that Biko waged - and for which he died - was the explosion of pride among the victims of apartheid. The value that black consciousness placed on culture reverberated across our land; in our prisons; and amongst the communities in exile. Our people, who were once enjoined to look to Europe and America for creative sustenance, turned their eyes to Africa.
I speak of culture and creativity because, like truth, they are enduring. It is then a happy coincidence of history that Steve Biko is honoured with a statue, sculpted in bronze by Naomi Jacobson, whom one can say is his distant home-girl. It also gives a certain kind of joy that the financial cost of creating the statue was footed by people in the creative field, including Denzel Washington, Kevin Kline and Richard Attenborough who will be remembered for the film on Biko, `Cry Freedom`. Another contributor is Peter Gabriel whose song `Biko` helped keep the flame of anti-apartheid solidarity alive. This collaboration of British and American artists bears eloquent witness to Steve Biko`s internationalism.
In speaking about "a more human face", Steve Biko was rejecting the brutality of men who behaved as if possessed, in their defence of injustice. It is these brutes that he faced without flinching; and the true story of his last moments we are only now starting to fathom.
As the Truth and Reconciliation Commission inches its way towards this truth, we are all bound to agonise over the price in terms of justice that the victims have to pay. But we can draw solace from the conviction that the half-truths of a lowly interrogator cannot and should not hide the culpability of the commanders and the political leaders who gave the orders. For we do know, that what they desperately sought to get from him was his contact with the leadership of the liberation movement. In time, the truth will out!
In those difficult hours ten years ago, the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune robbed a nation of a gifted young man whose contribution to our cause would have been even more immense. But our commitment to the unity that Steve Biko stood for will continue to guide us as we join hands in practical action to redress the legacy of oppression.
It means working together, government in each sphere and all sectors from society, in bringing prosperity to the province, the country and the continent which spawned him.
It means all of us helping to take South Africa across the threshold of greatness on which it stands. That will be achieved by each of us respecting ourselves first and foremost, and in turn respecting the humanity in each one of us. It means an attitude of mind and a way of life that appreciates the joy in the honest labour of creating a new society.
In time, we must bestow on South Africa the greatest gift - a more humane society.
We are confident that by forging a new and prosperous nation, we are continuing the fight in which Steve Biko paid the supreme sacrifice.
We hope that by unveiling this statue, renaming the bridge and declaring his Ginsberg house a national monument, we are making our own humble contribution to immortalising his life.
Thank you!

Abubakar Tafawa Balewa the first Prime Minister first speech September 1957

This has been a great day for Nigeria, and, as the first Prime Minister of the Federation of Nigeria, I am proud to speak to my fellow-countrymen tonight. I am proud, and I am humble, too, when I think of the enormous responsibility which has been placed upon me, and my colleagues. Today, we have set out on the last stage of our journey to Independence, and the next three years will see the culmination of a process which has been gathering momentum year by year, and will see us reaping the harvest of what we have sown. The success of the harvest will depend upon us, and that is why I am glad to speak to you tonight. Everyone of us has his part to play in the work of preparing Nigeria for Independence on the 2nd of April, 1960. I want everyone in Nigeria to realise that this is no easy task, and it cannot be performed by the Federal and Regional Ministers and legislators alone. It is a task for everyone of you because it is only by the personal effort of each individual that Independence for the Federation can become a reality in 1960. We have declared our intention of attaining Independence for the Federation on the 2nd of April, 1960, and if we wish to take our place among the responsible nations of the world, we must make every effort to see that this aim is achieved, and achieved with an international reputation for good internal government. Nigeria has now reached a critical stage in her history. We must seize the opportunity which has been offered to us to show that we are able to manage our own affairs properly. Every Nigerian, whatever his status, and whatever his religion, has his or her share to contribute to this crucial task. I appeal to all my countrymen and women to cooperate with me and my colleagues to create a better understanding among our peoples, to establish mutual respect, and trust, among all our tribal groups, and to unite in working together for the common cause, the cause for which no sacrifice will be too great. I am convinced, and I want you also to be convinced, that the future of this vast country must depend, in the main, on the efforts of ourselves to help ourselves. This we cannot do if we do not work together in unity. Indeed, unity today is our greatest concern, and it is the duty off everyone of us to work so that we may strengthen it. This morning I said in the House of Representatives that bitterness due to political differences would carry Nigeria nowhere, and I appealed to the political leaders throughout the country to control their party extremists. To you who are listening tonight I repeat that appeal—Let us put away bitterness and go forward in friendship to Independence. To further this overriding need for unity, my colleagues in the Council of Ministers and I have decided to give the country a lead by inviting the leaders of the Action Group to form with us a truly National Government composed of members of the main parties in the Country, and here I must pay tribute to Dr Azikiwe, to Chief Awolowo, Dr Endeley and to the leader of my own party, the Sardauna of Sokoto, for supporting me in this decision. I and my Colleagues of the N.C.N.C. and N.P.C. bold out our hands in welcome to the Action Group members of the Council and I promise you that we shall do our utmost to ensure that the deliberations of the Council are held in an atmosphere devoid of strife and narrow party prejudice. And now I would like to say a word to the civil service. We are grateful to all the civil servants, through whose work the country has reached the present stage of political development. I know that every constitutional advance puts a great strain on the civil service. Not only is there additional work to be done, but some officers find it hard to accept the new changes, but I must emphasize that Nigeria has today taken another important step forward, and if we are to succeed we must have the loyalty of all Nigerian and expatriate officers in this vital period before self-government is achieved. I should like to reassure all our expatriate staff of our continued Sincerity in the pledges given over the last few years and to promise them that they need have no fears about their future. Their aim and our aim remains what it has always been—the welfare and prosperity of Nigeria. Our political advance will be of no value if it is not supported by economic progress. It is therefore most important that the development plans throughout the country should be carried out with vigour in order that we may have a proper financial standing when, in three years’ time, we ask the world to regard us as an independent self-governing nation. I would like to remind you of what a great American once said. It was this, ‘United we stand, divided we fall’. This statement is as true for Nigeria today as it has been for any other country. The peoples of Nigeria must be united to enable this country to play a full part in shaping the destiny of mankind. On no account should we allow the selfish ambitions of individuals to jeopardise the peace of the thirty-three million law-abiding people of Nigeria. It is the duty of all of us to work for unity and encourage members of all our communities to live together in peace and harmony. The way to do this is to create understanding, mutual respect and trust. It is important that we should first show respect to each other before asking the world to respect us. Well—it is time for me to wish you good night, but first I would Once more tell you how absolutely vital it is for your future and the future Nigeria which your children will inherit that, during this interim period before Independence we should be united. Let us be honest with ourselves, and let us be sincere—we know what we want, and we are sure that we can get it, and get it at the right time, provided we are not delayed by selfish quarrels. At a time like this, we must all turn our minds to Almighty God and seek His guidance and assistance—by His grace, we shall succeed. - See more at: http://www.blackpast.org/1957-abubakar-tafawa-balewa-first-speech-prime-minister#sthash.XHNWxIQN.dpuf

Independence Speech – Kwame Nkrumah March 6, 1957, Accra, Ghana


At long last, the battle has ended!  And thus, Ghana, your beloved country is free forever!

And yet again, I want to take the opportunity to thank the people fo this country; the youth, the farmers, the women who have so nobly fought and won the battle.

Also, I want to thank the valiant ex-service men who have so cooperated with me in this mighty task of freeing our country from foreign rule and imperialism.

And, as I pointed out… from now on, today, we must change our attitudes and our minds.  We must realise that form now on we are no longer a colonial but free and independent people.

But also, as I pointed out, that also entails hard work.  That new Africa is ready to figt his own battles and show that after all the black man is capable of managing his own affairs.

We are going to demonstrate to the world, to the other nations, hat we are prepared to lay our foundation – our own African personality.

As I said to the Assembly a few minutes ago, I made a point that we are going t create our own Africa personality and identity.  It is the only way we can show the world that we are ready for our own battles.

But today, may I call upon you all, that on this grer that at day let us all remember that nothing can be done unless it has the purport and support of God.

We have won the battle and again rededicate ourselves … OUR INDEPENDENCE IS MEANINGLESS UNLESS IT IS LINKED UP WITH THE TOTAL LIBERATION OF AFRICA.

Let us now, fellow Ghanaians, let us now ask for God’s blessing for only two seconds, and in your thousands and millions.

I want to ask you to pause for only one minute and give thanks to Almighty God for having led us through our difficulties, imprisonments, hardships and sufferings, to have brought us to our end of troubles today. One minute silence.

Ghana is free forever!  And here I will ask the band to play the Ghana National Anthem.

Reshaping Ghana’s destiney, I am depending on the millions of the country, and the chiefs and the people, to help me to reshape the destiny of this country.  We are prepared to pick it up and make it a nation that will be respected by every nation in the world.

We know were going to have difficult beginnings, but again, I am relying n your support….  I am relying upon your hard work.

Seeing you in this…  It doesn’t matter how far my eyes go, I can see that you are here in your millions.  And my last warning to you is that you are to stand firm behind us so that we can prove to the world that wen the African is given a chance, he can show the world that he is somebody!

We have awakened.  We will not sleep anymore. Today, from now one, there is a new African in the world!

Patrice Lumumba SPEECH AT THE CEREMONY OF THE PROCLAMATION OF THE CONGO'S INDEPENDENCE June 30, 1960

Written: by Patrice Lumumba;
Transcribed: by Thomas Schmidt.






Men and women of the Congo,
Victorious independence fighters,
I salute you in the name of the Congolese Government.
I ask all of you, my friends, who tirelessly fought in our ranks, to mark this June 30, 1960, as an illustrious date that will be ever engraved in your hearts, a date whose meaning you will proudly explain to your children, so that they in turn might relate to their grandchildren and great-grandchildren the glorious history of our struggle for freedom.
Although this independence of the Congo is being proclaimed today by agreement with Belgium, an amicable country, with which we are on equal terms, no Congolese will ever forget that independence was won in struggle, a persevering and inspired struggle carried on from day to day, a struggle, in which we were undaunted by privation or suffering and stinted neither strength nor blood.
It was filled with tears, fire and blood. We are deeply proud of our struggle, because it was just and noble and indispensable in putting an end to the humiliating bondage forced upon us.
That was our lot for the eighty years of colonial rule and our wounds are too fresh and much too painful to be forgotten.
We have experienced forced labour in exchange for pay that did not allow us to satisfy our hunger, to clothe ourselves, to have decent lodgings or to bring up our children as dearly loved ones.
Morning, noon and night we were subjected to jeers, insults and blows because we were "Negroes". Who will ever forget that the black was addressed as "tu", not because he was a friend, but because the polite "vous" was reserved for the white man?
We have seen our lands seized in the name of ostensibly just laws, which gave recognition only to the right of might.
We have not forgotten that the law was never the same for the white and the black, that it was lenient to the ones, and cruel and inhuman to the others.
We have experienced the atrocious sufferings, being persecuted for political convictions and religious beliefs, and exiled from our native land: our lot was worse than death itself.
We have not forgotten that in the cities the mansions were for the whites and the tumbledown huts for the blacks; that a black was not admitted to the cinemas, restaurants and shops set aside for "Europeans"; that a black travelled in the holds, under the feet of the whites in their luxury cabins.
Who will ever forget the shootings which killed so many of our brothers, or the cells into which were mercilessly thrown those who no longer wished to submit to the regime of injustice, oppression and exploitation used by the colonialists as a tool of their domination?
All that, my brothers, brought us untold suffering.
But we, who were elected by the votes of your representatives, representatives of the people, to guide our native land, we, who have suffered in body and soul from the colonial oppression, we tell you that henceforth all that is finished with.
The Republic of the Congo has been proclaimed and our beloved country's future is now in the hands of its own people.
Brothers, let us commence together a new struggle, a sublime struggle that will lead our country to peace, prosperity and greatness.
Together we shall establish social justice and ensure for every man a fair remuneration for his labour.
We shall show the world what the black man can do when working in liberty, and we shall make the Congo the pride of Africa.
We shall see to it that the lands of our native country truly benefit its children.
We shall revise all the old laws and make them into new ones that will be just and noble.
We shall stop the persecution of free thought. We shall see to it that all citizens enjoy to the fullest extent the basic freedoms provided for by the Declaration of Human Rights.
We shall eradicate all discrimination, whatever its origin, and we shall ensure for everyone a station in life befitting his human dignity and worthy of his labour and his loyalty to the country.
We shall institute in the country a peace resting not on guns and bayonets but on concord and goodwill.
And in all this, my dear compatriots, we can rely not only on our own enormous forces and immense wealth, but also on the assistance of the numerous foreign states, whose co-operation we shall accept when it is not aimed at imposing upon us an alien policy, but is given in a spirit of friendship.
Even Belgium, which has finally learned the lesson of history and need no longer try to oppose our independence, is prepared to give us its aid and friendship; for that end an agreement has just been signed between our two equal and independent countries. I am sure that this co-operation will benefit both countries. For our part, we shall, while remaining vigilant, try to observe the engagements we have freely made.
Thus, both in the internal and the external spheres, the new Congo being created by my government will be rich, free and prosperous. But to attain our goal without delay, I ask all of you, legislators and citizens of the Congo, to give us all the help you can.
I ask you all to sink your tribal quarrels: they weaken us and may cause us to be despised abroad.
I ask you all not to shrink from any sacrifice for the sake of ensuring the success of our grand undertaking.
Finally, I ask you unconditionally to respect the life and property of fellow-citizens and foreigners who have settled in our country; if the conduct of these foreigners leaves much to be desired, our Justice will promptly expel them from the territory of the republic; if, on the contrary, their conduct is good, they must be left in peace, for they, too, are working for our country's prosperity.
The Congo's independence is a decisive step towards the liberation of the whole African continent.
Our government, a government of national and popular unity, will serve its country.
I call on all Congolese citizens, men, women and children, to set themselves resolutely to the task of creating a national economy and ensuring our economic independence.
Eternal glory to the fighters for national liberation!
Long live independence and African unity!
Long live the independent and sovereign Congo!

Libya: Gaddafi’s Last Testament ~ by Muammar Gaddafi, April 17, 2011 ~



Col. Gaddafi (killed)
In the name of Allah, the beneficent, the merciful…

For 40 years, or was it longer, I can’t remember, I did all I could to give people houses, hospitals, schools, and when they were hungry, I gave them food. I even made Benghazi into farmland from the desert. 

I stood up to attacks from that cowboy Ronald Reagan, when he killed my adopted orphaned daughter, he was trying to kill me, instead he killed that poor innocent child. Then I helped my brothers and sisters from Africa with money for the African Union.

I did all I could to help people Understand the concept of real democracy, where people’s committees ran our country. But that was never enough, as some told me, even people who had 10 room homes, new suits and furniture, were never satisfied, as selfish as they were they wanted more. 

They told Americans and other visitors, that they needed “democracy” and “freedom” never realizing it was a cut throat system where “the biggest dog eats the rest”, but they were enchanted with those words, never realizing that in America, there was no free medicine, no free hospitals, no free housing, no free education and no free food, except when people had to beg or go to long lines to get soup.

No matter what I did, it was never enough for some, but for others, they knew I was the son of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the only true Arab and Muslim leader we’ve had since Salah-al-Deen, when he claimed the Suez Canal for his people, as I claimed Libya, for my people, it was his footsteps I tried to follow, to keep my people free from colonial domination – from thieves who would steal from us.

Now, I am under attack by the biggest force in military history, my little African son, Obama wants to kill me, to take away the freedom of our country, to take away our free housing, our free medicine, our free education, our free food, and replace it with American style thievery called “capitalism”, but all of us in the Third World know what that means, it means corporations run the countries, run the world, and the people suffer.

So, there is no alternative for me, I must make my stand, and if Allah wishes, I shall die by following His path, the path that has made our country rich with farmland, with food and health, and even allowed us to help our African and Arab brothers and sisters.

I do not wish to die, but if it comes to that, to save this land, my people, all the thousands who are all my children, then so be it.
Let this testament be my voice to the world, that I stood up to crusader attacks of NATO, stood up to cruelty, stoop up to betrayal, stood up to the West and its colonialist ambitions, and that I stood with my African brothers, my true Arab and Muslim brothers, as a beacon of light.


When others were building castles, I lived in a modest house, and in a tent. I never forgot my youth in Sirte, I did not spend our national treasury foolishly, and like Salah-al-Deen, our great Muslim leader, who rescued Jerusalem for Islam, I took little for myself…

In the West, some have called me “mad”, “crazy”, but they know the truth yet continue to lie, they know that our land is independent and free, not in the colonial grip, that my vision, my path, is, and has been clear and for my people and that I will fight to my last breath to keep us free, may Allah almighty help us to remain faithful and free.

— Mu’ammar Qaddafi.

Facts about Libya under Muammar Gaddafi
• There was  no electricity bills in Libya; electricity is free … for all its citizens.
• There was  no interest on loans, banks in Libya are state-owned and loans given to all its citizens at 0% interest by law.
• If a Libyan is unable to find employment after graduation, the state would  pay the average salary of the profession as if he or she is employed until employment is found.
• Should Libyans want to take up a farming career, they receive farm land, a house, equipment, seed and livestock to kick start their farms –this was all for free.
• Gaddafi carried out the world’s largest irrigation project, known as the Great Man-Made River project, to make water readily available throughout the desert country.
• A home was considered a human right in Libya. (In Qaddafi’s Green Book it states: “The house is a basic need of both the individual and the family, therefore it should not be owned by others.”)
• All newlyweds in Libya would receive 60,000 Dinar (US$ 50,000 ) by the government to buy their first apartment so to help start a family.
• A portion of Libyan oil sales is or was  credited directly to the bank accounts of all Libyan citizens.
• A mother who gives birth to a child would  receive US $5,000.
• When a Libyan buys a car, the government would  subsidizes 50% of the price.
• The price of petrol in Libya was  $0.14 per liter.
• For $ 0.15, a Libyan local could  purchase 40 loaves of bread.
• Education and medical treatments was all  free in Libya. Libya can boast one of the finest health care systems in the Arab and African World. All people have access to doctors, hospitals, clinics and medicines, completely free of charge.
• If Libyans cannot find the education or medical facilities they need in Libya, the government would fund  them to go abroad for it – not only free but they get US $2,300/month accommodation and car allowance.
• 25% of Libyans have a university degree. Before Gaddafi only 25% of Libyans were literate. Today the figure is 87%.
• Libya had  no external debt and its reserves amount to $150 billion – though much of this is now frozen globally.

Thomas Sankara: The speech he would have given on October 15, 1987

THE SPEECH- Translated by Jeff Wilson

Dear Comrades,

The Revolution’s prestige, and the confidence with which the masses have devoted themselves, has suffered a serious shock. The consequences are a remarkable decline in enthusiasm for the revolution amongst activists, a serious decrease in the commitment, determination, and mobilisation of our grassroots base; finally, distrust and suspicion everywhere and factionalism amongst our leadership.

What are the causes of this?

There are, on one hand, significant questions which could divide us pertaining to the operating structures and the internal functioning of the CNR based on ideological positions. On the other hand, there are questions regarding the relationships between the principal actors, as each of us is a leader. However, as important as ideological and organisational questions are, they are shown to be less important in our current situation. Indeed, at the soul of any organisation, there is a clash of opposites followed by union of these same opposites. The unity of these opposites is always academic, it is never absolute; it is both relative and temporary. “The unity of opposites is consequently an absolute, exactly as development and motion are absolutes”. This is why balance itself is temporary. It can be questioned at any time. It is our responsibility to preserve it as long as possible, to restore it each time it has been threatened or broken. In the case of organisational and ideological questions, we have benefitted each time that someone considered it necessary to raise an opinion different from mine, to defend a position different than mine; you did this with freedom and confidence. These I have adopted and implemented, along with advice, suggestions, and recommendations. Moreover, resolution of disputes between men is always simple when trust exists. This means that as long as the revolution is governed by principles, open debate, criticism and self-criticism, it will succeed in resolving any misunderstandings, provided that trust is maintained.

Therefore, work to develop trust and protect it from any criticism, and any threat. Contrary to questions of principles, the resolution of which is simple with trust, problems with human relationships are subjective and can only be solved by absolute trust. In this case, the machinations of certain elements within our ranks have done more wrong, more damage in a few months, than the most ferocious political and ideological struggles between the CNR and its leftist opponents.

Taking their presences in the CNR as an unassailable guarantee of their revolutionary credentials, these elements wish to use their privileged position to further the realisation of their vision of society, of the roles they intend to play and the places they assign themselves within it. On the one side there is the verbal escalation of the left, on the other there is are practical scoundrels. All of this occurs within the quiet certainty that the CNR protects them against all attacks and that the parliamentarism of the same CNR has given them the right of obstruction as a minority.

They abuse these rights to cover all licentious behaviour unworthy of a revolutionary activist, but none will oppose them for fear of being suspected of trying to oppose the CNR. This is opportunism!

Within the movement, the desire to avoid losing any activists, especially newcomers, instead affected and annihilated all rigour against that which everyone realised as being undisciplined, detrimental, and ultimately discrediting the authority of the CNR.

Everyone witnessed the dilettantism, the lightness, which characterised the behaviour of elements of this group, which marred their social and militant practices. The title of member of the CNR has been used by them to influence the masses to further their individual interests contrary to the good of the revolution. But the criminal part of their attitudes is the paralysis of the Directorate which they have caused by working tirelessly to create the impression amongst some imminent, unassailable leaders, as being respectable and respected.

Under this guise, they could impose their whims and indiscipline without fear of any reaction. They have permitted themselves all kinds of social practices, protected by what they believe is the immunity of “close friends” in such and such leaders. Their high positions in the CNR help, positions not gained through any particular merit, but through simple arithmetic distribution between groups comprising the CNR, through this they have skillfully disguised their machinations.

The revolution has greatly suffered because of these elements. Unable to raise the level of debate, they pulled back. They belittled. Fearing unity as the end of their “princely birthright” they demobilized everywhere their program would not find traction; they then poured oil on the fire of division.

Gradually unmasked in their practices, and objectively and inexorably committed to the descent which will lead to their destruction, they resorted to even more coarse behaviour, more and more assailed the division within our ranks, the artificial opposition amongst leaders. Thus, they divert attention to hypothetical dissent at the top, while they shirk their duty to the revolution and to self-criticism.

You need not look far. The current malaise is a result of criminal behaviour which is often unreported. If there exists opposition, it is by no means between those termed “historical leaders”. If there exists opposition, it is certainly between these intolerable elements, who are incompatible with the revolutionary fervour and strength which has been required to deepen the process that began on the 4th of August, 1983. The result of this selfish work, fighting only for themselves at the expense of the public interest, is that we are weakened, and altogether seriously undermined. The wildest rumours have been embraced by the masses. These rumours impact people and cause concern. Panic drives people to the wildest actions… what should you do when you are at the point of desperation!

This has caused pervasive concern, the political leadership is distraught that the origin of this evil is widespread, and that the thesis of the opposition, including that of high-ranking leaders, is unconvincing, although convenient in the eyes amongst the elite of our old guard of politicians. Moreover, even those who have made sacrifices for their responsibilities quarrel in vain over the reasons for the opposition. The danger is that one is forced to invent a plausible explanation and justification as it is repeated everywhere that there is no “agreement between leaders”.

Never has an antagonism divided us. There have been divergences of opinion, but this is common. Even in the free, confidential debates between us, where there is neither unnecessary restraint nor taboo, there has not arisen any antagonism which could justify or explain these subtle, hypothetical, yet persistent rumours circulated by our opposition.

These rumours, aided by widespread confusion, have awoken all kinds of possibilities for opposition to the revolution: those who were swept aside by the RDP? Today the degenerates, the tribalists, the reactionary right regain hope…

Even our external enemies have regained their belligerence long dulled by our brilliant victories, and audaciously push and regroup the debris of their movements reawakened by these events.

Comrades, we cannot permit a few individuals to deceive our people, to condemn the CNR and those who, until now, respected our struggle.

We cannot and must not allow a few irresponsible elements to tragically affect our revolution; the spectres of similar rifts are currently haunting Yemen. We cannot and must not let them pervert our revolution; the consequences of such an impasse are currently troubling Grenada. We cannot close our eyes or be embarrassed because of the machinations of a small group when the country is threatened by civil war in the manner of Lebanon or Chad.

We are accountable to our people, but also accountable to the international progressive movement because of the hope aroused by the Revolution of August 4th, 1983.

Let us stop lamenting the misfortune which has befallen our country. Our sincerity does not excuse our guilty feelings of powerlessness which leads to defeatism. I understand that we are shocked to be accused of what we are not, to be accused of that which we have not done.

I propose:

1) That we go to the masses to demonstrate our cohesion by holding meetings denouncing and condemning these divisionary currents, ridiculing them as they deserve, those who until now extolled, with more or less goodwill, the virtues of the revolution. It is urgent that we go out, that we talk, that we reassure our people. It is urgent.

2) We must eliminate troublemakers from our ranks. All revolutionary social struggles contained fraudulent individuals infiltrating their movements. Our current situation and long-term situation must be changed to eliminate them. Our revolution will advance with its purification. We will not lose anything by this emotional action, the eventual difficulties will pale compared to what we are currently experiencing, or the suffering which our people are currently undergoing.

I will propose sanctions.

3) As soon as possible we must put into place:

- The statutes of the CNR, adjusted in light of what we have learned from our present difficulties and those we can predict in the future, the acceptance of the platform of the recent CNR will be a good test of our abilities in this matter.

- The economic, political, social and military program of the CNR around which we gather revolutionaries by their ability to contribute to the good of our people.

- The Revolutionary Code of Ethics which describes the most exemplary social conduct which each of us should strive to reach.

With the help of these elements and an organisation which functions to exterminate factionalism, by a more efficient operation of the Audit Commission, by periodic assessments of what our actions have or have not brought to the people, we will succeed in making the CNR and all other forms of the National Political Directorate true leaders, comprised of nothing but the best of the best, the most steadfast revolutionaries.

The Motherland or death, we shall overcome.

Thomas SANKARA

Statement of Nelson Mandela at his Inauguration as President

10 May 1994, Pretoria
Your Majesties,
Your Highnesses,
Distinguished Guests,
Comrades and Friends.



Today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world, confer glory and hope to newborn liberty.
Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud.
Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity`s belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all.
All this we owe both to ourselves and to the peoples of the world who are so well represented here today.
To my compatriots, I have no hesitation in saying that each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld.
Each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. The national mood changes as the seasons change.
We are moved by a sense of joy and exhilaration when the grass turns green and the flowers bloom.
That spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland explains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it has become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression.
We, the people of South Africa, feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom, that we, who were outlaws not so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil.
We thank all our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession with the people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity.
We trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-sexism, non-racialism and democracy.
We deeply appreciate the role that the masses of our people and their political mass democratic, religious, women, youth, business, traditional and other leaders have played to bring about this conclusion. Not least among them is my Second Deputy President, the Honourable F.W. de Klerk.
We would also like to pay tribute to our security forces, in all their ranks, for the distinguished role they have played in securing our first democratic elections and the transition to democracy, from blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light.
The time for the healing of the wounds has come.
The moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come.
The time to build is upon us.
We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination.
We succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. We commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace.
We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity - a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.
As a token of its commitment to the renewal of our country, the new Interim Government of National Unity will, as a matter of urgency, address the issue of amnesty for various categories of our people who are currently serving terms of imprisonment.
We dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free.
Their dreams have become reality. Freedom is their reward.
We are both humbled and elevated by the honour and privilege that you, the people of South Africa, have bestowed on us, as the first President of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist government.
We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom
We know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success.
We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world.
Let there be justice for all.
Let there be peace for all.
Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.
Let each know that for each the body, the mind and the soul have been freed to fulfill themselves.
Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.
Let freedom reign.
The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement!
God bless Africa!
Thank you.

Kenule Beeson Saro-Wiwa statement before Execution


Kenule Beeson Saro-Wiwa


In representing the Ogoni peoples of Nigeria in a struggle against devastation of their lands by multinational oil corporations, Ken Saro-Wiwa spoke for the impoverished many, against the empowered few. For his efforts, Saro-Wiwa was arrested in May, 1994 in Nigeria, on what many believe to have been spurious charges. On November 10, 1995, a Nigerian military-appointed tribunal executed nine Ogoni leaders. Kenule Beeson Saro-Wiwa was among them. His final statement, reprinted here, was never heard by the tribunal.


Final statement from Nigeria.
 
My lord,
We all stand before history. I am a man of peace, of ideas. Appalled by the denigrating poverty of my people who live on a richly endowed land, distressed by their political marginalization and economic strangulation, angered by the devastation of their land, their ultimate heritage, anxious to preserve their right to life and to a decent living, and determined to usher to this country as a whole a fair and just democratic system which protects everyone and every ethnic group and gives us all a valid claim to human civilization, I have devoted my intellectual and material resources, my very life, to a cause in which I have total belief and from which I cannot be blackmailed or intimidated. I have no doubt at all about the ultimate success of my cause, no matter the trials and tribulations which I and those who believe with me may encounter on our journey. Neither imprisonment nor death can stop our ultimate victory.
I repeat that we all stand before history. I and my colleagues are not the only ones on trial. Shell is here on trial and it is as well that it is represented by counsel said to be holding a watching brief. The Company has, indeed, ducked this particular trial, but its day will surely come and the lessons learnt here may prove useful to it for there is no doubt in my mind that the ecological war that the Company has waged in the Delta will be called to question sooner than later and the crimes of that war be duly punished. The crime of the Company's dirty wars against the Ogoni people will also be punished.
On trial also is the Nigerian nation, its present rulers and those who assist them. Any nation which can do to the weak and disadvantaged what the Nigerian nation has done to the Ogoni, loses a claim to independence and to freedom from outside influence. I am not one of those who shy away from protesting injustice and oppression, arguing that they are expected in a military regime. The military do not act alone. They are supported by a gaggle of politicians, lawyers, judges, academics and businessmen, all of them hiding under the claim that they are only doing their duty, men and women too afraid to wash their pants of urine.
We all stand on trial, my lord, for by our actions we have denigrated our Country and jeopardized the future of our children. As we subscribe to the sub-normal and accept double standards, as we lie and cheat openly, as we protect injustice and oppression, we empty our classrooms, denigrate our hospitals, fill our stomachs with hunger and elect to make ourselves the slaves of those who ascribe to higher standards, pursue the truth, and honour justice, freedom, and hard work. I predict that the scene here will be played and replayed by generations yet unborn. Some have already cast themselves in the role of villains, some are tragic victims, some still have a chance to redeem themselves. The choice is for each individual.
I predict that the denoument of the riddle of the Niger delta will soon come. The agenda is being set at this trial. Whether the peaceful ways I have favoured will prevail depends on what the oppressor decides, what signals it sends out to the waiting public.
In my innocence of the false charges I face Here, in my utter conviction, I call upon the Ogoni people, the peoples of the Niger delta, and the oppressed ethnic minorities of Nigeria to stand up now and fight fearlessly and peacefully for their rights. History is on their side. God is on their side. For the Holy Quran says in Sura 42, verse 41: "All those that fight when oppressed incur no guilt, but Allah shall punish the oppressor." Come the day.

Kenule Beeson Saro-Wiwa

Tuesday, 8 December 2015

Nails In The Fence, Author: Unknown


There once was a little boy who had a bad temper. His father gave him a bag of nails and told him that every time he lost his temper, he must hammer a nail into the back of the fence.
The first day the boy had driven 37 nails into the fence. Over the next few weeks, as he learned to control his anger, the number of nails hammered daily gradually dwindled down. He discovered it was easier to hold his temper than to drive those nails into the fence.
Finally the day came when the boy didn't lose his temper at all. He told his father about it and the father suggested that the boy now pull out one nail for each day that he was able to hold his temper. The days passed and the young boy was finally able to tell his father that all the nails were gone.
The father took his son by the hand and led him to the fence. He said, "You have done well, my son, but look at the holes in the fence. The fence will never be the same. When you say things in anger, they leave a scar just like this one. You can put a knife in a man and draw it out. It won't matter how many times you say I'm sorry, the wound is still there."
The little boy then understood how powerful his words were. He looked up at his father and said "I hope you can forgive me father for the holes I put in you."
"Of course I can," said the father.

Life by Ben Carson

Sometimes you are unsatisfied with your life, while many people in this world are dreaming of living your life. A child on a farm sees a plane fly overhead and dreams of flying. But, a pilot on the plane sees the farmhouse and dreams of returning home. That's life!!! Enjoy yours.
If wealth is the secret to happiness, then the rich should be dancing on the streets. But only poor kids do that.
If power ensures security, then officials should walk unguarded. But those who live simply, sleep soundly.
If beauty and fame bring ideal relationships, then celebrities should have the best marriages.
Live simply. Walk humbly and love genuinely! All good will come back to you!!!
Man asks, Where was God when Myles Munroe,wife and his associates were killed in a crash?
He answers, "The same place I sat when John the Baptist my servant was beheaded. When Stephen my servant was stoned to death. When Paul my servant was murdered in Rome. The same place I sat when my only Son was brutally crucified,wounded, bruised and killed. I have not moved from my position."
It is not the means of exit from earth that matters but the destination.

I am an African, Thabo Mbeki’s speech.


 

Friends, on an occasion such as this, we should, perhaps, start from the beginning. So, let me begin.
I am an African!
I owe by being to the hills and the valleys, the mountains and the glades, the rivers, the deserts, the trees, the flowers, the seas and the ever-changing seasons that define the face of our native land. My body has frozen in our frosts and in our latter day snows. It has thawed in the warmth of our sunshine and melted in the heat of the midday sun. The crack and the rumble of the summer thunders, lashed by startling lightening, have been a cause both of trembling and of hope… The dramatic shapes of the [landscape] have… been panels of the set on the natural stage on which we act out the foolish deeds of the theatre of our day.
At times, and in fear, I have wondered whether I should concede equal citizenship of our country to the leopard and the lion, the elephant and the springbok, the hyena, the black mamba and the pestilential mosquito. A human presence among all these, a feature on the face of our native land thus defined, I know that none dare challenge me when I say – I am an African! …

Today, as a country, we keep an audible silence about these ancestors of the generations that live, fearful to admit the horror of a former deed, seeking to obliterate from our memories a cruel occurrence which, in its remembering, should teach us not and never to be inhuman again. I am formed of the migrants who left Europe to find a new home on our native land. Whatever their own actions, they remain still, part of me. In my veins courses the blood of the Malay slaves who came from the East. Their proud dignity informs my bearing, their culture a part of my essence. The stripes they bore on their bodies from the lash of the slave master are a reminder embossed on my consciousness of what should not be done… My mind and my knowledge of myself is formed by the victories that are the jewels in our African crown, the victories we earned from Isandhlwana to Khartoum, as Ethiopians and as the Ashanti of Ghana, as the Berbers of the desert….

I have seen our country torn asunder as … my people, engaged one another in a titanic battle, the one redress a wrong that had been caused by one to another and the other, to defend the indefensible. I have seen what happens when one person has superiority of force over another, when the stronger appropriate to themselves the prerogative even to annul the injunction that God created all men and women in His image.
I know what it signifies when race and colour are used to determine who is human and who, sub-human. I have seen the destruction of all sense of self-esteem, the consequent striving to be what one is not, simply to acquire some of the benefits which those who had improved themselves as masters had ensured that they enjoy. I have experience of the situation in which race and colour is used to enrich some and impoverish the rest.

I have seen the corruption of minds and souls [in] the pursuit of an ignoble effort to perpetrate a veritable crime against humanity. I have seen concrete expression of the denial of the dignity of a human being emanating from the conscious, systemic and systematic oppressive and repressive activities of other human beings. There the victims parade with no mask to hide the brutish reality – the beggars, the prostitutes, the street children, those who seek solace in substance abuse, those who have to steal to assuage hunger, those who have to lose their sanity because to be sane is to invite pain. Perhaps the worst among these, who are my people, are those who have learnt to kill for a wage. To these the extent of death is directly proportional to their personal welfare…

All this I know and know to be true because I am an African!
Because of that, I am also able to state this fundamental truth that I am born of a people who are heroes and heroines. I am born of a people who would not tolerate oppression. I am of a nation that would not allow that fear of death, torture, imprisonment, exile or persecution should result in the perpetuation of injustice. The great masses who are our mother and father will not permit that the behaviour of the few results in the description of our country and people as barbaric. Patient because history is on their side, these masses do not despair because today the weather is bad. Nor do they turn triumphalist when, tomorrow, the sun shines.
Whatever the circumstances they have lived through and because of that experience, they are determined to define for themselves who they are and who they should be… As an African, this is an achievement of which I am proud, proud without reservation and proud without any feeling of conceit…

But it seems to have happened that we looked at ourselves and said the time had come that we make a super-human effort to be other than human, to respond to the call to create for ourselves a glorious future, to remind ourselves of the Latin saying: Gloria est consequenda – Glory must be sought after!
Today it feels good to be an African…

I am born of the peoples of the continent of Africa. The pain of the violent conflict that the peoples of Liberia, Somalia, the Sudan, Burundi and Algeria is a pain I also bear. The dismal shame of poverty, suffering and human degradation of my continent is a blight that we share. The blight on our happiness that derives from this and from our drift to the periphery of the ordering of human affairs leaves us in a persistent shadow of despair. This is a savage road to which nobody should be condemned. This thing that we have done today, in this small corner of a great continent that has contributed so decisively to the evolution of humanity says that Africa reaffirms that she is continuing her rise from the ashes…

Whatever the difficulties, Africa shall be at peace!
However improbable it may sound to the sceptics, Africa will prosper!
Whoever we may be, whatever our immediate interest, however much we carry baggage from our past, however much we have been caught by the fashion of cynicism and loss of faith in the capacity of the people, let us err today and say – nothing can stop us now! “
Posted in South African/International Politics Tagged: great african speeches, great speeches, greatest african speech, I am an african, nelson mandela, south africa, south african president, thabo mbeki, unity